The remains of Americans killed in Benghazi are taken off a transport aircraft (Photo: Reuters)
Data
points continue to accumulate about the September 11, 2012 attack on
the U.S. mission in Benghazi, Libya. The picture that is beginning to
emerge from connecting those dots is deeply concerning on multiple
levels. Two related issues dominate this analysis: The stripping of
security protection from the Benghazi mission prior to the 9/11
anniversary attack and the refusal to send or even permit local help on
the night of the attack.
As Fox News Bureau Chief of Intelligence
Catherine Herridge
suggested on the “Mike Huckabee” show on Oct. 27, both of these
critical subjects may have been driven by a perceived need to cover up
the existence of the role being played by the U.S. mission in Libya to
serve as a command hub for the movement of weapons out of Libya to
Syrian rebels fighting to bring down the Bashar Al-Assad regime.
It has now been established through the persistent work of
Congressional leadership figures and such investigative journalists,
media and talk show hosts including Fox News,
Michael Coren at Canada’s Sun News,
Aaron Klein at World Net Daily and
Diana West
that the Benghazi mission played a central role in a U.S. government
policy of “engaging, legitimating, enriching and emboldening Islamists
who have taken over or are ascendant in much of the Middle East,” as
Center for Security Policy president,
Frank Gaffney, put it.
According to media reporting, Benghazi was staffed by CIA operatives
whose job may have been not just to secure and destroy dangerous weapons
(like RPGs and SAMs) looted from former Libyan dictator Muammar
Qaddafi’s stockpiles during and after the 2011 revolution, but also
perhaps to facilitate their onward shipment to the Al-Qaeda- and Muslim
Brotherhood-dominated Syrian opposition.
President Barack Obama signed an
intelligence finding sometime in early 2012 that authorized U.S. support for the Syrian rebels and by mid-June 2012,
CIA operatives
reportedly were on the Turkish-Syrian border helping to steer weapons
deliveries to selected Syrian rebel groups. According to an Oct. 14,
2012
New York Times article, most of those arms were going to “
hard-line Islamic jihadists.”
One of those
jihadis may well be
Abdelhakim Belhadj, former leader of the Al-Qa’eda-linked Libyan Islamic Fighting Group
Abdelhakim Belhadj
(LIFG) and head of the Tripoli Military Council after Qaddafi’s ouster.
During the 2011 revolt in Libya, Belhadj was almost certainly a key
contact of the U.S. liaison to the Libyan opposition, Christopher
Stevens.
In November 2011, Belhadj was reported to have met with Syrian Free
Army (SFA) leaders in Istanbul, Turkey, as well as on the Turkish-Syrian
border. Further, Belhadj’s contact with the SFA comes in the context
of
official policy adopted by the post-Qaddafi Libyan “government,” which sent a
delegation
to Turkey to offer arms and possibly fighters to the Turkish-backed
Syrian rebels. "There is something being planned to send weapons and
even Libyan fighters to Syria," according to a Libyan source quoted in a
November, 2011
Telegraph report.
The multilateral U.S.-Libya-Turkey agreement to get weapons into the
hands of Syrian rebels – which were known to be dominated by Al-Qaeda
and Muslim Brotherhood elements -- by working with and through
Al-Qaeda-linked
jihadist figures like Belhadj, seemed confirmed by the appearance of a Libyan-flagged vessel,
Al-Entisar, which docked at the Turkish port of Iskanderun on September 6, 2012.
Suspected of carrying weapons bound for the Syrian rebels, the ship’s
cargo reportedly included Russian-designed, shoulder-launched missiles
known as MANPADS, RPGs and surface-to-air missiles—all of them just the
sort of weapons available in Libya.
U.S. Ambassador Chris StevensStevens’ last meeting in Benghazi the night he was killed was with the
Turkish Consul General Ali Sait Akin, who is variously reported to have been there to discuss a weapons transfer or a
warning
about the possible compromise of the Libyan weapons pipeline to Syria.
Whatever the topic of Ambassador Stevens’ discussion with Akin, he
clearly and knowingly put himself in harm’s way to be there, in
Benghazi, on the night of September 11.
The urgency that compelled Stevens to Benghazi that night seems
especially difficult to understand given what was known to him as well
as to senior levels of the Obama administration about the extremely
dangerous situation in post-Qaddafi Libya.
It is all the more baffling then that, in view of the obvious
priority that the U.S. government had placed on its Libya-to-Syria
weapons pipeline operation, such a systematic effort in the weeks
leading up to the September 11 attack was dedicated to stripping the
Benghazi base of the security protection it so desperately needed in a
deteriorating Libyan security environment and despite the repeated pleas
of Ambassador Stevens and others in both Tripoli and Benghazi for more
security.
From at least February, 2012 onward, the Regional Security Officer
(RSO) at the U.S. Tripoli Embassy, Eric Nordstrom, had urged that U.S.
security measures in Libya be expanded, citing dozens of security
incidents by “
Al-Qaeda-affiliated groups, including Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM)…”
In August 2012, Stevens reported that the security situation in
Benghazi was deteriorating, yet in spite of this, the 16-man Site
Security Team assigned to Libya, comprised of Special Forces led by SF
LTC Andy Wood, was ordered out of Libya, contrary to the Ambassador’s
stated desire that they stay.
Note
that, at any time, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton could have
ordered the deployment to Benghazi of additional security experts from
the Department of Security (DoS) Bureau of Diplomatic Security (or
Diplomatic Security Service—DSS), but apparently chose not to do so.
Instead, DoS hired a British firm,
Blue Mountain, to manage its security in Benghazi, and Blue Mountain subcontracted the job to a local
jihadist militia called the
February 17 Martyrs Brigade who have known Muslim Brotherhood ties.
Furthermore, Nordstrom testified at the October 11, 2012 Congressional hearings that “in
deference to sensitivity to Libyan practice, the guards at Benghazi were unarmed"-- an inexplicable practice for a place as dangerous as Benghazi.
Then, in what may have been the attack “green light,” on September
10, 2012, AQ leader Ayman al-Zawahiri called on Libyans to avenge the
death of his Libyan number two, Abu Yahya al-Libi, who had been killed
in a June, 2012 drone strike in Pakistan. The timing suggests that
al-Zawahiri may have given the attack go-ahead after receiving word that
Stevens had arrived in Benghazi that day—further suggesting that
perhaps AQ knew of Stevens’ travel plans.
Once the attack unfolded at the Benghazi base, it quickly became
apparent that the minimal number of U.S. and local security staff was
completely unequal to the scores of heavily armed
jihadist
attackers swarming the compound. And yet, despite a live-streaming video
from an overhead drone, plus cables and cell phone calls that,
altogether, must have been received by hundreds of administration
diplomatic, intelligence and military officials (including the U.S.
President, Vice President, Secretaries of Defense and State, and
Directors of National Intelligence and CIA), military support from
regional bases was denied repeatedly to the besieged Benghazi defenders.
Worse yet, former Navy SEALs Tyrone Woods,
Tyrone Woodswho
was providing security for CIA operatives at the Benghazi annex
facility, and Glen Dougherty, who had arrived on a rescue flight
dispatched by the CIA Chief of Station in Tripoli, repeatedly were
denied permission by their CIA chain of command on the ground to go to
the aid of Ambassador Stevens and the others.
Eventually, they went anyway, and succeeded in saving many lives
because of their moral and physical courage. Once back at the CIA annex,
they all came
Glen Doughertyunder
heavy fire there too. Again, Dougherty and Woods requested military
backup, at least to silence the mortar fire that they had been able to
identify by laser painting it. They fought on alone for hours, but when
no help came, that mortar barrage eventually took both their lives and
seriously injured others.
When asked why he didn’t authorize military assets to scramble to
Benghazi’s defense, Secretary of Defense Leon Panetta claimed that he
didn’t know what was going on and “
could not put forces at risk in that situation.”
This is patently false on both counts: Panetta most certainly did know
that an American Ambassador and other staff were under military assault
by
jihadist forces who had invaded the sovereign territory of a
U.S. diplomatic facility. Whether U.S. military assets -- either air
support or Special Forces -- could have arrived in time to save lives is
unknown at this point, but the
administration’s refusal
to say when the president first learned that Benghazi was under attack,
that the ambassador was in peril and that the Al-Qaeda-linked Libyan
jihadist group, Ansar al-Shariah, had taken credit for the attack invites speculation.
The White House refusal to comment on when exactly the president
first met with the National Security Council after the attack began
doesn’t help either. (And the weeks of deliberately false statements
from a range of administration figures who tried to claim that an
obscure trailer for a film no one had ever seen was to blame for the
Benghazi debacle only confirms suspicions about the administration
capitulation to the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) demands
for limits on free speech.)
For his part, CIA Director
David Petraeus
has denied that either he or anyone else at CIA refused assistance to
Dougherty and Woods, saying that "No one at any level in the CIA told
anybody not to help those in need; claims to the contrary are simply
inaccurate." This leaves only the president himself responsible for the
decision to allow the Benghazi base to fall and four Americans to die.
How could he or any of those present when this momentous decision was
made not have tried to make every effort imaginable to defend American
territory and save American lives?
House Government Oversight Committee Chairman Darrell Issa
believes President Obama had a political motive for rejecting
Ambassador Stevens’ security requests because he wanted to show that
conditions in Libya were improving, possibly to justify U.S.
intervention in the Libyan revolution or even help pave the way for oil
company investment.
Whatever the thinking that left a U.S. mission abroad so undefended
that it practically constituted an open invitation to Al-Qaeda, and
then, in cold blood, refused to launch military support in defense of
Americans fighting and dying to defend U.S. sovereign territory from
jihadi
assault, the cover-up is fast becoming the worse failure. It is time
for administration leaders, from the president on down, to explain both
their actions and their failures to act.
Clare
Lopez is a senior fellow at RadicalIslam.org and a strategic policy and
intelligence expert with a focus on the Middle East, national defense
and counterterrorism. Lopez served for 25 years as an operations officer
with the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA).
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