There are striking similarities
between the objectives of Churchill's speech nearly 75 years ago and
Netanyahu's today; both with no less purpose than to avert global
conflagration. And, like Churchill's in the 1930s, Netanyahu's is the
lone voice among world leaders today.
There is no doubt about Iran's intent. It has been described as a
nuclear Auschwitz. Israel is not the only target of Iranian violence.
Iran has long been making good on its promises to mobilize Islamic
forces against the US, as well as the UK and other American allies.
Attacks directed and supported by Iran have killed an estimated 1,100
American troops in Iraq in recent years. Iran provided direct support to
Al Qaeda in the 9/11 attacks.
Between 2010 and 2013, Iran either ordered or allowed at least three
major terrorist plots against the US and Europe to be planned from its
soil. Fortunately, all were foiled.
Iran's ballistic missile program, inexplicably outside the scope of
current P5+1 negotiations, brings Europe into Iran's range, and future
development will extend Tehran's reach to the US.
It is not yet too late to prevent Iran from arming itself with
nuclear weapons. In his 1941 speech to Congress, Churchill reminded the
American people that five or six years previously it would have been
easy to prevent Germany from rearming without bloodshed. But by then it
was too late.
This vengeful and volatile regime must not in any circumstances be
allowed to gain a nuclear weapons capability, whatever the P5+1 states
might consider the short-term economic, political or strategic benefits
to themselves of a deal with Tehran.
In a few days, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu will address
the US Congress for the third time. The only other foreign leader to
have had that privilege was Winston Churchill. Like Churchill when he
first spoke to Congress in December 1941, Netanyahu is taking a risk.
For Churchill the risk was to his life -- he had to make a hazardous transatlantic voyage aboard the battleship HMS
Duke of York
through stormy, U-boat infested waters. For Netanyahu the risk is to
his own political life and to his country's relationship with the United
States, given the intense presidential opposition to his speech.
But like Churchill was, Netanyahu is a fighting soldier and, like
Churchill, a tough political leader, unafraid to shoulder such risks
when so much is at stake. And in both cases, the stakes could not be
higher, greater than their own lives, political fortunes or rivalries
and affecting not just their own countries and the United States, but
the whole of the world.

Israel's
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu addresses a joint session of U.S.
Congress on May 24, 2011. (Image source: PBS video screenshot)
|
There are striking similarities between the objectives of Churchill's
speech nearly 75 years ago and Netanyahu's today: both with no less a
purpose than to avert global conflagration.
Speaking days after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, Churchill
summarized the course of the war thus far but then concluded with a
dramatic appeal to the American people for Anglo-American unity to
prevent conflict in the future, reminding them that "twice in a single
generation, the catastrophe of world war has fallen upon us."
"Do we not owe it to ourselves, to our children, and to mankind," he
asked, "to make sure that these catastrophes do not engulf us for the
third time?"
No less profound, and no less far-reaching, will be Netanyahu's
appeal for American-Israeli unity in the face of a new danger. A danger
perhaps even greater than Churchill was able to comprehend in
pre-nuclear 1941. Whereas Churchill spoke of a future, as yet unknown
peril, Netanyahu will focus on the clear and present threat to world
peace if Iran is allowed to produce nuclear weapons.
And like Churchill in the 1930s, Netanyahu's is a lone voice among world leaders today.
In pursuit of both uranium and plutonium tracks to a bomb, as well as
the development of long-range ballistic missiles, there is no doubt
about Iran's intent. It has been described as a nuclear Auschwitz.
It is Netanyahu's duty to sound the alarm against such a prospect. It
is Israel's survival that is at stake. It is Israel that will have to
conduct military intervention if the US will not. And it is Israelis who
will die in any subsequent regional conflagration.
But this is not only an existential threat to Israel -- it is a
danger to other states in the Middle East and to us all. Doubtful of
Western resolve, Saudi Arabia, Egypt and Turkey are already
investigating the development of their own nuclear capabilities.
An agreement that leaves Iran with the potential to achieve nuclear
breakout will trigger a Middle East arms race that will exponentially
increase the risks of global nuclear war, a risk multiplied by the
vulnerability of regional governments to overthrow by extremists.
Iran's ballistic missile program, inexplicably outside the scope of
current P5+1 negotiations, brings Europe into Iran's range, and future
development will extend Tehran's nuclear reach to the US. The world's
number one sponsor of terrorism, the regime of the ayatollahs would have
no qualms about supplying their terrorist proxies with nuclear weapons.
This is the greatest threat the world faces today. Yet all the
signals suggest that the P5+1, driven by President Obama's apparent
desperation for détente with Tehran, is already set on a path towards
1930s-style appeasement that will end with Iran's acquisition of nuclear
weapons.
The view that Cold War style containment and mutual deterrence could
prevent this apocalyptic, fanatical regime from using its nuclear
weapons is dangerously naïve. Yet the Western leaders who seem to be on
the verge of reaching an agreement are not naïve. Lacking the moral
strength to face down Iran, they see deception and appeasement as the
only way out of their dilemma.
To gauge their intentions, we do not need to rely just on frequent
Iranian threats, such as those of General Hossein Salami, who said
recently, with negotiations still under way: "As long as the US continue
to use the Islamic world as the scene for their regional policies, all
the forces of the Islamic world will undoubtedly be mobilized against
them." In the same interview, he threatened Israel too: "The very
existence of the Zionist entity and its collapse are of crucial
importance."
Iran's determination to bring about the violent collapse of the
"Zionist entity" is continuously manifested in its directing and funding
of armed attacks against Israeli soldiers and civilians at home and
overseas, by proxies including Hizballah, Hamas and Palestinian Islamic
Jihad. The Gaza conflict last summer, for example, owed much to Iranian
funding and weaponry.
Just a few weeks ago, Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps General
Mohammad Allahadi was operating with senior Hizballah commanders to set
up a new front on Syrian territory in the Golan, from which to launch
attacks against Israel. He was killed by an Israeli air strike while
visiting his planned area of operations.
Israel is not the only target of Iranian violence. Iran has long been
making good on its promises to mobilize Islamic forces against the US,
as well as the UK and other American allies. Attacks directed and
supplied from Tehran killed an estimated 1,100 American troops in Iraq
in recent years. Strikes have been facilitated in Afghanistan, killing
US, British and other Coalition soldiers.
Iran provided direct support to Al Qaeda in the 9/11 attacks and
continues to harbor Al Qaeda terrorists. Between 2010 and 2013, Tehran
either ordered or allowed at least three major terrorist plots against
the US and Europe to be planned from its soil. Fortunately, all were
foiled. Direction, support and facilitation to both Sunni and Shia
terrorist groups in planning attacks against the US and its allies
continues today.
This vengeful and volatile regime must not in any circumstances be
allowed to gain a nuclear weapons capability, whatever the P5+1 states
might consider the short-term economic, political or strategic benefits
to themselves of a deal with Tehran.
Even before the world's first experience of nuclear bombing in August
1945, Churchill and Roosevelt both understood the dangers of allowing
their enemies and potential enemies to acquire such capability. When
Allied intelligence identified a Nazi uranium production plant in
Oranienburg in eastern Germany, 612 bombers destroyed it in a single
raid in March 1945 with 1,506 tons of high explosives and 178 tons of
incendiary bombs, to prevent it falling into the hands of advancing
Russian troops.
Only a strong stand by the West, and rejection of an agreement that
allows development of nuclear weapons, will ensure that such action does
not in the future become necessary against Iran. In his 1941 speech to
Congress, Churchill reminded the American people that five or six years
previously it would have been easy to prevent Germany from rearming
without bloodshed. But by then it was too late, and the world was
engulfed in unprecedented violence.
It is not yet too late to prevent Iran from arming itself with
nuclear weapons. The American people, the American government and the
West as a whole must heed Netanyahu's clear warning not to reach a deal
that will allow the mendacious and malevolent Iranian regime to acquire
nuclear weapons. Instead, sanctions that stand a chance of compelling
Tehran to abandon its world-threatening ambitions must be maintained,
and if necessary, increased.
Colonel Richard Kemp spent most his 30-year career in
the British Army commanding front-line troops in fighting terrorism and
insurgency in hotspots including Iraq, the Balkans, South Asia and
Northern Ireland. He was Commander of British Forces in Afghanistan in
2003. From 2002 - 2006 he heading the international terrorism team at
the Joint Intelligence Committee of the British Prime Minister's Office.