The Jews of Egypt

"If it wasn’t for [President Abdel Fattah] al-Sissi, this would have never been done. A lot of things have changed since he’s taken over."
"I have relatives who left to France, Italy and Israel and they would like to visit the synagogue now."
Yolande Mizrahi,  septuagenarian Jew born and raised in Alexandria

"This is recognition of Egypt’s Jews who were neglected for over sixty years."
"It is recognition that we have always been here and that we have contributed to a lot of things just like any other Egyptian."
"I'm very proud of what my country has done, and it symbolizes living together; today there is no difference between Egyptian Muslim , Christian and Egyptian Jew."
Magda Haroun, a leader of the dwindling Egyptian Jewish community, Cairo

People attend the opening of Eliyahu Hanavi synagogue in Alexandria, Egypt, Friday, Jan. 10, 2020, three years after the Egyptian government started the renovations of the synagogue originally built in 1354. (AP Photo/Hamada Elrasam)

During the pre- and post-Biblical era, Jews lived and prospered in Egypt, as an integral and equal part of the Egyptian population.
"From the time of the post-exilic prophets Judaism developed in three main streams, one flowing from Jerusalem, another from Babylon, the third from Egypt. Alexandria soon took precedence of existing settlements of Jews, and became a great centre of Jewish life. The first Ptolemy, to whom at the dismemberment of Alexander's empire Egypt had fallen, continued to the Jewish settlers the privileges of full citizenship which Alexander had granted them. He increased also the number of Jewish inhabitants, for following his conquest of Palestine (or Coele-Syria, as it was then called), he brought back to his capital a large number of Jewish families and settled thirty thousand Jewish soldiers in garrisons. For the next hundred years the Palestinian and Egyptian Jews were under the same rule, and for the most part the Ptolemies treated them well."
"Under their tolerant sway the Jewish community thrived, and became distinguished in the handicrafts as well as in commerce. Two of the five sections into which Alexandria was divided were almost exclusively occupied by them; these lay in the north-east along the shore and near the royal palace -- a favourable situation for the large commercial enterprises in which they were engaged."
"The Jews had full permission to carry on their religious observances, and besides many smaller places of worship, each marked by its surrounding plantation of trees, they built a great synagogue, of which it is said in the Talmud 'He who has not seen it has not seen the glory of Israel'. It was in the form of a basilica, with a double row of columns, and so vast that an official standing upon a platform had to wave his head-cloth or veil to inform the people at the back of the edifice when to say 'Amen' in response to the Reader. The congregation was seated according to trade-guilds, as was also customary during the Middle Ages; the goldsmiths, silversmiths, coppersmiths, and weavers had their own places, for the Alexandrian Jews seem to have partially adopted the Egyptian caste-system..."
Philo-Judaeus of Alexandria, Norman Bentwich, Trinity College, Cambridge, 1910

Guests visit the newly renovated Eliyahu Hanavi synagogue in the northwestern Egyptian city of Alexandria on January 10, 2020, on the day of its inauguration. (Khaled DESOUKI/AFP)

Alexandria's historic two-storey Eliyahu Hanavi synagogue was in parlous condition, having partially collapsed in 2006.The following year began restoration by the Egyptian Antiquities Department, preventing its total collapse.This is one of two remaining synagogues in Alexandria; many other have long since deteriorated with age and disuse and neglect in a city that once was host to 40,000 Jews up to 1940, descendants of Egyptian Jews who had lived there since antiquity.

This iteration of the synagogue dated only to 1881 to serve Alexandria's large and influential Jewish community. It boasted marble floors and marble, rose-coloured columns in its main hall. It stood on the very site of a much earlier synagogue, dating to 1354 a.d., to attest to its historical antecedents. Fully half of Egypt's Jewish community lived in Alexandria, a historical seat in Egypt of a portion of the Biblical diaspora.

The synagogue, now fully renovated, its opening ceremonies bringing a handful of Egyptian Jews to celebrate its resurrection together, in praise of Egypt's new warmer relationships with the State of  Israel, and the closer recognition of the role of Egyptian Jews in Alexandrian life. A small gathering of Jews, mostly elderly who had been born there and lived in the city all their lives, descendants of the original Jews who had made Alexandria their home.

When the State of Israel declared itself the reborn ancient Judea, its neighbours in the Middle East, the surrounding Arab Muslim states determined to eradicate its presence. Successive conflicts where various Arab states -- Egypt, Syria, Iraq, Lebanon and Jordan sent expeditionary armies to destroy the fledgling nation. At the same time, Jews who had lived in Arab countries such as those, as well as Algeria, Tunisia, Morocco, Libya and others expelled their Jews, confiscating their property.

Coptic priests visit Eliyahu Hanavi synagogue. (Khaled DESOUKI/AFP

Ironically, non-Arab, Aryan Persia maintained friendly relations with Israel under the Pahlavi dynasty. Now the Gulf States, Saudi Arabia, and Egypt have warmed relations with Israel under the regional threat of Persian ambitions to revisit its controlling past of the Middle East and it is from the theocratic Islamic Republic of Iran that the existential threat to Israel emanates,

Egypt and Jordan have long since signed peace agreements with Israel, despite that the Jordanian and Egyptian public retain their distrust of and animosity toward the Jewish state. But it is Egypt, under the reign of former general and now president, Abdel Fattah al-Sissi, with whom accommodation has been made between the two countries in their common battle against Islamist fundamentalism and terrorist groups and militias. "If we have Jews, we will build [synagogues] for them", the president said in 2018.

And this is just what has occurred, with the reconstruction of the Maimonides Cairo synagogue which Egypt sponsored in the 2000s. Egypt, mostly emptied of its once-numerous Egyptian-Jewish population in the 1950s, thanks mostly to bloody pogroms under then-President Nasser, has seen many synagogues in Cairo, along with a large Jewish cemetery, go into decay. The restoration of these ancient relics of sites of worship are as much a symbol of Egypt's past as they are of the Jewish presence in Egypt.

Guests visit the newly renovated Eliyahu Hanavi synagogue in the northwestern Egyptian city of Alexandria on January 10, 2020, on the day of its inauguration. (Khaled DESOUKI/AFP)

The floor of the restored Eliyahu Hanavi synagogue has left open to public view the archaeological layers of history that lie beneath the edifice. Additional Egyptian Jews vacated Egypt, turning to Israel and migrating to the West in the wake of the 1956 Suez war after the launch of a military offensive against Egypt when Israel, France and Britain stopped Egypt from closing the Suez Canal to shipping traffic, and hostility from Egyptians toward its Jews was intensified.

Governing Egypt

"I was certain from the beginning that the man who served his country and fought for it for 30 years could never kill his people."
"Today's release proves he is an icon and that the Egyptian people are smart ... Mubarak is not a killer, but a respectable man."
Samir Abdulaziz Al-Aswany, 47, bank employee, co-founder, Mubarak support group

"I feel a little pain in my heart, but it will not interrupt my day any more."
"I no longer have hope in this judicial system and I am not waiting for it to prosecute any criminals or those who have ruled or committed crimes in their names."
Mona Sief, Egyptian activist

"Whether Mubarak is at home or in prison, the revolution continues to be part of the hearts and minds and consciousness of millions of the young people of Egypt."
"And they cannot change this."
Ahmed Abdallah head, Egyptian Commission for Rights and Freedoms

Ousted Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak, seen in this 2016 file photo, is said to be resting at home with his family. (Amr Nabil/Associated Press) 

What the secular and leftist activists in Egypt seem to have lost sight of is that their successful protests and demonstrations that brought out so many ordinary Egyptians supporting their campaign for greater freedom and for Egypt to become a democracy with free and fair elections succeeded in overturning the government of the day, but at the same time, they lost the campaign they had embarked upon, to the opportunistic Muslim Brotherhood.

The democracy-inclined, autocracy-defying protesters had no viable political structure. They relied upon social support from among Egyptians and it was, more or less, forthcoming to a degree. But it was the well-organized, and disciplined structure of the Muslim Brotherhood that took advantage of the downfall of the government of Hosni Mubarak and the interim leadership that stepped in to plan for a free election that just happened to privilege the Brotherhood.

Thousands of protesters called for the ouster of Mubarak during a 2011 uprising. (Ben Curtis/Associated Press)

This, in a country whose succession of governments since the early 20th Century struggled to channel the Islamist Brotherhood away from government. The Brotherhood, held as a criminal organization by that succession of governments, was instrumental in the assassination of Mr. Mubarak's predecessor and fellow military officer, Anwar Sadat, targeted for signing a peace treaty with Israel. Its offshoot, Hamas, now controls Gaza, a terrorist group dedicated to destroying Israel.

In the 80-some-odd years of its existence and its underground activities, appealing to the greater collective of Egyptian poverty-stricken rural dwellers, fundamentalist in their Islamic devotion, the Brotherhood branched out to launch Brotherhood franchises in other countries of the Middle East and North Africa, installing itself to become the global manifestation of fundamentalist Islam, alongside Saudi Arabia's Wahhabist funding of madrasses everywhere Muslims exist.

When Mohammad Morsi, a prison escapee and elite of the Brotherhood, won the presidential election, he, like Hamas was elected in a free, democratic vote by a majority of voters and Morsi, like the Hamas executive became a theocratic autocrat, imposing on the country aspects of fundamentalist Islam upending the expectation of the originators of the protests in Tahrir Square in 2011 envisioning that Egypt would become a free and democratic country.

When Morsi's government failed to aid the faltering economy, targeted Egyptian Copts, imposed shariah, ruled over an increasingly violent and crime-ridden society impervious to complaints by Egyptians, his chief of the military Abdel Fatah al-Sissi warned him, but Morsi ignored that warning, leading to his ouster and the rise of another military government under President al-Sissi, who has done the unthinkable; criticized Islamist jihad and dysfunctional Islam, urging Al Azhar university to help bring about a modernization of Islam.

The Brotherhood, declared along with Hamas, a terrorist organization, incited violence, and supported terrorism in the Sinai peninsula. Egypt's population, the largest Arab population in the Middle East with over 80-million people, appears like most other Arab countries, to respond best to the firm control of a autocratic leader prepared to put down revolts, respond forcefully against violent tendencies in Islamists, and balance the needs of an economy lacking large oil resources.

Giving former President Hosni Mubarak his freedom at age 88, after years of incarceration in a military hospital simply represents justice reflective of the region. He did serve his country for three decades, as a man who was loyal to and loved his native land. President al-Sissi would have seen no reason to continue to detain his predecessor, and nor did the Egyptian court that released him from detention.

As for charges of corruption and repression, what is viewed as detestable in the West appears to be a way of political life in a tribal-based society of religious imperialism.

Brushing Aside Media Criticism, Egypt's Sisi Preaches Tolerance

by Raymond Ibrahim
PJ Media
January 13, 2015

Middle East Forum

^{Originally published under the title, "Sisi's Brave New Egypt?"}

Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi with Coptic Pope Tawadros II on Christmas Day

Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi continues to be the antithesis of longstanding mainstream media portrayals of him.

First there was his historic speech where he, leader of the largest Arab nation, and a Muslim, accused Islamic thinking of being the scourge of humanity—in words that no Western leader would dare utter. This remarkable speech—which some say should earn him the Nobel Peace Prize—might have fallen by the wayside had it not been posted on my website and further disseminated by PJ Media's Roger L. Simon, Michael Ledeen, Roger Kimball, and many others, including Bruce Thornton and Robert Spencer.

Instead, mainstream media headlines on the day of and days after Sisi's speech included "Egypt President Sisi urged to free al-Jazeera reporter" (BBC, Jan 1), "Egyptian gays living in fear under Sisi regime" (USA Today, Jan. 2), and "George Clooney's wife Amal risks arrest in Egypt" (Fox News, Jan. 3).

Of course, the mainstream media finally did report on Sisi's speech—everyone else seemed to know about it—but, again, to portray Sisi in a negative light. Thus, after briefly quoting the Egyptian president's call for a "religious revolution," the New York Times immediately adds:

Others, though, insist that the sources of the violence are alienation and resentment, not theology. They argue that the authoritarian rulers of Arab states — who have tried for decades to control Muslim teaching and the application of Islamic law — have set off a violent backlash expressed in religious ideas and language.

In other words, jihadi terror is a product of Sisi, whom the NYT habitually portrays as an oppressive autocrat—especially for his attempts to try to de-radicalize Muslim sermons and teachings (as discussed in this article).

Sisi made history as the first Egyptian president to enter a church during Christmas mass.

Next, Sisi went to the St. Mark Coptic Cathedral during Christmas Eve Mass to offer Egypt's Christian minority his congratulations and well wishing. Here again he made history as the first Egyptian president to enter a church during Christmas mass—a thing vehemently criticized by the nation's Islamists, including the Salafi party (Islamic law bans well wishing to non-Muslims on their religious celebrations, which is why earlier presidents—Nasser, Sadat, Mubarak, and of course Morsi—never attended Christmas mass).
Accordingly, the greetings Sisi received from the hundreds of Christians present were jubilant. His address was often interrupted by applause, clapping, and cheers of "We love you!" and "hand in hand"—phrases he reciprocated. Part of his speech follows:

Egypt has brought a humanistic and civilizing message to the world for millennia and we're here today to confirm that we are capable of doing so again. Yes, a humanistic and civilizing message should once more emanate from Egypt. This is why we mustn't call ourselves anything other than "Egyptians." This is what we must be—Egyptians, just Egyptians, Egyptians indeed! I just want to tell you that Allah willing, Allah willing, we shall build our nation together, accommodate each other, make room for each other, and we shall like each other—love each other, love each other in earnest, so that people may see… So let me tell you once again, Happy New Year, Happy New Year to you all, Happy New Year to all Egyptians!

Sisi stood side-by-side with Coptic Christian Pope Tawadros II—perhaps in remembrance of the fact that, when General Sisi first overthrew President Morsi and the Muslim Brotherhood, Pope Tawadros stood side-by-side with him—and paid a heavy price: the Brotherhood and its sympathizers unleashed a Kristallnacht of "reprisals" that saw 82 Christian churches in Egypt attacked, many destroyed.

Under Sisi, Egyptian police have vigorously defended Coptic Christian churches and businesses from Islamist attacks.

It is also significant to recall where Sisi came to offer his well-wishing to the Christians: the St. Mark Cathedral—Coptic Christianity's most sacred church which, under Muhammad Morsi was, for the first time in its history, savagely attacked, by both Islamists and the nation's security (see pictures here).

Once again, all of this has either been ignored or underplayed by most mainstream media.

There is, of course, a reason the mainstream media, which apparently follows the Obama administration's lead, has been unkind to Sisi. One will recall that, although Sisi led the largest revolution in world history—a revolution that saw tens of millions take to the streets and ubiquitous signs and banners calling on U.S. President Obama and U.S. ambassador to Egypt Anne Patterson to stop supporting terrorism (i.e., the Brotherhood)—U.S. leadership, followed by media, spoke only of a "military coup" against a "democratically elected president," without pointing out that this president was pushing a draconian, Islamist agenda on millions who rejected it.

That Sisi would criticize the Muslim world and Islamic texts and thinking — a big no-no for Muslim leaders — is unprecedented.

So what is the significance of all this—of Sisi? First, on the surface, all of this is positive. That Sisi would criticize the Muslim world and Islamic texts and thinking—in ways his Western counterparts could never—and then continue his "controversial" behavior by entering the Coptic Christian cathedral during Christmas mass to offer his greetings to Christians—a big no-no for Muslim leaders—is unprecedented. Nor can all this be merely for show. In the last attack on a Coptic church, it was two Muslim police officers guarding the church who died—not the Christian worshippers inside—a rarity.
That Sisi remains popular in Egypt also suggests that a large percentage of Egyptians approve of his behavior. Recently, for instance, after the Paris attacks, Amru Adib, host of Cairo Today, made some extremely critical comments concerning fellow Muslims/Egyptians, including by asking them "Are you, as Muslims, content with the fact that today we are all seen as terrorists by the world?… We [Egyptians] used to bring civilization to the world, today what? — We are barbarians! Barbarians I tell you!"

That said, the others are still there—the Muslim Brotherhood, the Salafis, those whom we call "Islamists," and their many sympathizers and allies.

Worst of all, they have that "corpus of [Islamic] texts and ideas" that has been "sacralized over the centuries" (to use Sisi's own words) to support them—texts and ideas that denounce Sisi as an "apostate" deserving of death, and thus promising a continued struggle for the soul of Egypt.

Raymond Ibrahim is a Shillman Fellow at the David Horowitz Freedom Center, a Judith Friedman Rosen Writing Fellow at the Middle East Forum and a CBN News contributor. He is the author of Crucified Again: Exposing Islam's New War on Christians (2013) and The Al Qaeda Reader (2007).