Options for Mid East talks: Carrying on, interim deal, or a turn to the Saudi-UAE-Egyptian bloc
DEBKAfile Exclusive Report April 5, 2014, 7:25 PM (IDT)
UAE Crown Prince Gen. Sheikh Al Nahyan
Palestinian leader Mahmoud Abbas, nearing 80, has
proved time and again in the last two decades that he will never put pen
to paper on an accord for ending the dispute with Israel. If he really
wanted an independent Palestinian state, he could at any time have
followed the path to self-determination chosen by David Ben Gurion, when
he declared Israeli statehood on May 14, 1948 in Tel Aviv. Had Abbas
(known mostly as Abu Mazen) formally convened an assembly of Palestinian
community and institutional leaders at the Palestinian parliament
building in Ramallah and proclaimed statehood, there would have been
very little Israel could have done.
But that is not his way and never has been, because for him Palestinian
independence is no more than an abstract slogan which must never come to
earth.
In 1995, Abbas and the dovish Israeli politician Yossie Bailin
jointly drafted a document, which later carried their names, offering a
formula for resolving the Palestinian-Israeli dispute – except that he
never signed it. He couldn’t bring himself to this commitment, because
it conflicted with his fundamental principles and put his political
survival at risk.
Today, too, the rise of a Palestinian state would end Abbas’s career as
Palestinian leader. He holds sway over the six West Bank towns which
passed to Palestinian Authority control without a legal mandate. The
last Palestinian elections in 2006 gave his Fatah party only 48 seats
compared with 76 netted by the rival Hamas.
Israel, the United States and Europe therefore respect as their
legitimate Palestinian partner for peace negotiations a figure who is
unelected and whose rule is buttressed by seven Palestinian security
battalions, which America and Europe agreed to bankroll to the tune of
$2 billion, after the cutoff of Arab aid. Another three battalions are
due to be added to the force.
So Abu Mazen keeps up the masquerade of striving for Palestinian
independence and staying in the talking shop for two purposes: It keeps
him in power by dint of international recognition, and donations
continue to roll in to feed his corrupt regime and cover the payroll of
his security force.
Not much is left to trickle down to the ordinary Palestinian family.
To buy a small measure of street credibility, Abbas must show the
people that he is the only leader able to force Israel to release
Palestinians from long prison sentences. He achieves this by making this
his price for not walking away from the table.
So long as the money flows in and Palestinians are sprung from Israeli
jails, no voices are raised in circles that count in Ramallah against
the corrupt practices eating away at the regime.
Abbas therefore ranted and raved when Israel’s cancelled the fourth
batch of 26 Palestinian prisoners due to be released March 30, to punish
him for sending applications to 15 UN agencies and conventions for
membership to bypass the negotiations. Israel also hit back at Abbas
with a threat of sanctions – some directed against his personal business
interests.
US Secretary of State John Kerry's hard work as would-be peacemaker
was not just thrown back in his face but drew criticism at home from his
colleagues in the White House and State Department. He tried Thursday
to speak to both Israeli and Palestinian leaders in what was described
as a desperate bid to bring the two sides back to the negotiating table.
The US Secretary rebuked both the two leaders equally for engaging in
“tit-for-tat” tactics, but he knew exactly which side had caused the
rupture. Kerry must by now realize that Abu Mazen’s history of
withdrawing from any fruitful dialogue for peace made this outcome
inevitable. Had he gone for interim accords, which he never considered,
rather than final solutions, he might have bought a few years' lull
in the dispute, although this too would have come apart over the same
Palestinian dynamic.
In the past, Abu Mazen had to contend with only one effective
dissenting voice. It came from his bitter rival, Mohammed Dahlan, who
ended up quitting his comfortable berth on Palestinian Authority and
Fatah councils in Ramallah and going into exile. There, too, he landed
on his feet.
Some 30 years younger that Abbas, Dahlan has been a persona non grata
for Israel as former Gaza strongman and innovative terrorist.
He is problematic on at least three more counts:
1. Seven years ago, he extracted from the US government a huge sum –
estimated at $1 billion – for promising to rid the Gaza Strip of Hamas
rule. He never delivered and refused to refund the money.
That is one US count against him. In addition, he has thrown in his
lot with Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates and their offensive
against Obama administration Middle East policies.
2. Because of his unbridled criticism of Mahmoud Abbas and calls for
his removal, Dahlan is on the run from his enemies who have sworn to
destroy him.
3. Dahlan has managed to win the sympathy and patronage of powerful
Gulf rulers. With their help, he established himself three months ago in
Cairo within the Egyptian strongman Abdel-Fatteh El-Sisi’s inner circle
of advisers on the Palestinian question. This explains why Abbas gives
Cairo a wide berth.
The Palestinian renegade gained this position through the influence of
UAE Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Zayed Bin Sultan Al Nahyan, who is one of
El-Sisi’s most generous bankers and who stands at the forefront of the
Saudi-UAE life-and-death campaign against the Muslim Brotherhood.
The talk of Ramallah this week was not the breakdown of talks, which
surprised no one there, but interest in the way the Palestinian fate
could be profitably drawn into the Saudi-UAE-Egyptian war on the Muslim
Brotherhood and its offspring Hamas – away from the American ken. Abbas’s rival Dahlan is shaping up as facilitator.
This trend appears to have been picked by some Israeli government and
intelligence circles, judging by a comment heard from Foreign Minister
Avigdor Lieberman Wednesday, April 2, during an office party on Passover
Eve. He remarked that the ball is now in the Palestinian court.
“Irrespective of the negotiations, Israel has found an attractive
political horizon in such places as the Arab oil emirates and Saudi
Arabia,” he said, adding: “If Abu Mazen is willing to follow us in that
direction, fine. If not, we don’t need him.”
This comment suggested that Israel has thoughts of linking up with the
emerging Saudi-Egyptian-UAR bloc and bringing the Palestinian issue on
board. Whether or not these thoughts crystallize into hard policy, they
hint at an alternative Israeli approach to the Palestinian question.
Labels: Defence, Hamas, Israel, Negotiations, Palestinian Authority, Saudi Arabia, Security, UAE, United States