'Reconciliation' Repurposed

"There's a lot of people that aren't from these communities, that aren't Aboriginal, that are saying hereditary leadership has full authority, and they're not doing it based on any facts. It would be like me saying that the elected leadership of British Columbia and Canada has no authority, and it's the Queen who has all authority."
"That would be a very destabilizing remark to make. It's a very irresponsible remark to make."
"A lot of what I see out there right now, from these people talking about it, is basically opinion. It's not fact. In fact, in the Indian Act band councils are legally authorized to sign agreements and contracts on behalf of the communities."
"It inflames the situation, and I think that's what the point is for all these people who are talking like this -- Natives and non-Natives alike. They just want to heighten the situation that's facing us today. And these communities don't need their issues escalated."
"I'm not sure they are aware of it, but they have the potential to tear these communities apart -- right down to family and friends."
Ellis Ross, Liberal MLA, Skeena, B.C.

"What currently is going on does not reflect the true governance of the Wet'suwet'en -- on both sides."
"When you look at what's happening with the youth, it's spreading like wildfire, but there's no control."
"We are afraid something bad might happen."
Andrew George, Wet'suwet'en Nation member, wing chief, Gidimt'en

"K'omoks First Nation was never contacted or advised of this event [blockade on Highway 19 using the K'omoks authority] and we are disappointed that our name was unknowingly used."
"This event was organized by non-Indigenous Comox Valley residents who aren't connected to our territory in the same way as K'omoks, and in no way represent K'omoks or our values."
"If you're in a Nation's territory, you really should be engaging with the First Nation."
K'omoks First Nation Chief Nicole Rempel

An enforcement officer reads an Injunction to members of the Tyendinaga Mohawk Territory in Tyendinaga Mohawk Territory, near Belleville as they block the CN/VIA train tracks. Lars Hagberg / THE CANADIAN PRESS

People with an agenda from outside Canada, (Extinction Rebellion}, dedicated environmentalists who have long intervened in Canada's plans to manage and exploit the vast petroleum resources the geography is endowed with, have found a made-to-measure protest movement they can integrate with and continue their challenge to Canada's environmental and resource sovereignty. They stand alongside urban Canadians, who feel that the environment is being abused in corporate interests, and university students who take pride in supporting and standing alongside what they feel is a legitimate First Nations grievance.

Leading to expanding protests and stand-offs and blockades, reminiscent of many other, earlier such episodes of purely local natures, none of which had the potential as these current ones do, of shutting down Canada's transportation system across the country, both commuter rail, and commercial, affecting Canadian National and Canadian Pacific Railways from one end of the country to the other. Vital goods are not being delivered to ports and Canada's trade is being impacted seriously.

Which is precisely what the protests are designed to accomplish. All the while federal, provincial and municipal police, fearful of stepping beyond the bounds of political correctness and finding no firm directives for action from related authorities, despite court injunctions that have charged the protesters to cease and desist, have taken no overall action to disperse the protests, release the blockades and allow the rail systems to resume their vital capacity to move people and goods across the country.

People from Aamjiwnaang First Nation and supporters gather for a meeting with officials as their blockade of the CN St. Clair spur line continued in Sarnia, Ont.  (Dave Chidley/Canadian Press)

Despite that the extraction and pipe-building corporations holding consultations and meetings with First Nations communities whose geographic areas will be impacted by moving oil and gas by pipe across their heritage territories and reaching sharing agreements, five hereditary chiefs have dug in their heels and assumed the responsibility to deny what democratic action has wrought, bringing public opinion to their side, which has resulted in these blockades, protests and even a temporary shut-down of the legislature in Victoria, B.C.

Protesters in support of Wet’suwet’en hereditary chiefs camp out in front of legislature before the throne speech in Victoria, B.C., on Tuesday, February 11, 2020. Chad Hipolito / The Canadian Press

There are literally hundreds of First Nations bands, with an average population of 300 people; British Columbia alone has 200 bands. Each considers themselves sovereign and there are often competing programs and aspirations. Because the chiefs of each enjoys the power they have, they are unwilling to join forces since that would surrender their autonomy and authority. Claims over land and fishing and hunting rights are often competitive, resulting in poor cross-band relations.

While claiming nationhood for each band, proclaiming themselves outside the law and authority of the government of Canada, it's a strange arrangement under the Indian Act that each of the bands is funded by tax dollars; not a reasonable version of independent nationhood by any measure. First Nations people living on band property pay no taxes, and don't contribute to Canada in any meaningful way where unemployment is rife and opportunities to thrive are few.

Those few bands who have succeeded in making themselves independent of funding from the Canadian treasury, and with good sound management have invested in businesses that employ their members, resulting in a high quality of life are simply too few, though they stand proudly as an example to what others can also aspire to -- if they are not located in completely isolated and remote geographic areas.

OPP Sgt. Diana Hampson of the liaison team, middle, speaks with members of the Mohawk Territory in Tyendinaga Mohawk Territory, near Belleville, Ont., on Tuesday, Feb. 11, 2020. The members have blocked the CN/VIA train tracks for six days in support of Wet’suwet’en’s blockade of natural gas pipeline in northern B.C. Lars Hagberg / THE CANADIAN PRESS

But Canada's 632 First Nations leaders have been subsidized for too long, their negotiating skills augmented by a non-native communal sense of colonialist guilt within Canada, with the knowledge that Aboriginal Canadians have been discriminated against, been led by government agency to an existence with few rewards and despite promises very little hope appears on the near horizon. Nothing excuses the Wet'suwet'en hereditary chiefs and their supporters in their defiance of court orders, defying 20 band council agreements in northern B.C.

The 670-kilometre gas pipeline to a $40-billion LNG plant on the coast would mean that First Nations peoples through whose territory the pipeline will stretch, will have benefits from the resources through reliable resource-sharing payments, through employment opportunities, through spin-off industries, all being denied them by the hereditary chiefs' claim of sovereignty over a 22,000-square-kilometer stretch of land where they refuse the Coastal GasLink pipeline.

"Right now, this is probably got one of the biggest job creations in the province here, and we want to be part of it. The hereditary chiefs' office, they don't speak for the whole clan."
Philip Tait, Wet'suwet'en member

"A majority of our people do want to see this project go through."
"The reason why it's not out there is because people are afraid to speak  up, but that's starting to change."
Bonnie George, Wet'suwet'en member