Alberto Nisman committed suicide? Let’s kill that lie
Alberto Nisman committed suicide? Let’s kill that lie
Op-ed: Let nobody be fooled into thinking that the prosecutor who was about to testify against Argentina’s president chose to end his own life. And let nobody buy the second big lie now being spread: That the AMIA case has not been solved. It has. Iran was to blame
January 20, 2015, 4:27 pm
When I sat down Monday to write about the appalling death of the courageous Buenos Aires prosecutor who exposed the Iranian and Hezbollah orchestration of the 1994 AMIA bombing, I didn’t even mention the Argentinian authorities’ initial contention that Alberto Nisman had committed suicide, so insulting and ridiculous was the notion.
A
day later, however, and the preposterous idea that Nisman took his own
life has become the Argentinian authorities’ dominant assertion. Let’s
kill that lie stone dead. Alberto Nisman was no suicide.
(That he was forced to put a gun to his own
head, a possibility left open by the Argentinian investigating
prosecutor, is quite plausible, however. But that’s not suicide; that’s
murder.)
I’ve just come back from a conversation with
the Argentinian-born Israeli author Gustavo Perednik, who wrote a book
last year about the AMIA case — “To Kill Without A Trace” — and was a
good friend of Nisman’s. “It’s rubbish. It’s lies,” Perednik says
briskly of the despicable suicide claim.
Perednik, who was in constant contact with
Nisman and last met with him in Buenos Aires a month ago, notes that
both Nisman’s personality and the timing of his death render the suicide
notion beyond risible.
Nisman the man was a tennis-playing optimist
who loved and enjoyed life, who spoke of his separation from his
long-term partner a year ago as a “liberation,” and who was utterly
dedicated to his work, notes Perednik. He was a man who firmly shrugged
off death threats, was balanced, and focused, and decent, and fine.
As for the timing, Perednik despairs at the
naivete of anyone prepared to countenance that a prosecutor who has
spent a decade heading a 30-strong team investigating the worst terror
attack ever committed in Argentina; who has identified the Iranian
leaders who ordered it and had them placed on Interpol watch lists; who
has traced and named the Hezbollah terrorists who carried out the
bombing; who has exposed Iran’s still-active terror networks in South
America; and who was about to detail the alleged efforts of Argentinian
President Cristina Fernández and Foreign Minister Hector Timerman to
whitewash Iran’s role — that this man would choose to take his own life
just a few hours before giving his testimony to a Congressional hearing.
But Nisman was found dead by “self-inflicted”
bullet wound in a locked apartment with no sign of forced entry, the
Argentinian authorities say? Perednik is succinct and withering about
both motivation and capability: Does anyone doubt that a government
capable of whitewashing Iran is capable of producing a dead prosecutor
in a locked apartment? he asks. “In our last conversation, Nisman told
me that his evidence would either force [those top Argentinian leaders]
to flee or send them to jail. He told me, ‘I’m going to put them in
jail.'” Sunday was their last chance to stop him.
Perednik actually gave me the names of two men
he believes may have been involved in the murder, but stressed that he
has no evidence. He also stressed that he has no knowledge of
presidential involvement. “I don’t know how mad you get” when you’re
facing a prosecutor who’s about to bring you down, he says. “Maybe
someone said, ‘He’s gone too far,’ and she [the president] said
nothing.”
The AMIA case was solved
A second lie it’s important to nail as it is
spread worldwide by journalists who ought to know better is that the
AMIA case was never solved. Not only has Nisman been murdered, but his
10 years of work are being misrepresented, even obliterated. The AMIA
case was emphatically solved, by Alberto Nisman.
As I detailed Monday,
he traced the orchestration of the bombing all the way back to the
August 1993 meeting of Iran’s leadership at which it was commissioned,
and identified the key conspirators to the satisfaction of Interpol. We
know who ordered the bombing — an Iranian government committee headed by
supreme leader Ali Khamenei and then president Hashemi Rafsanjani. We
know who arranged it — the late and unlamented Hezbollah terror chief
Imad Mughniyeh. And we know all about Ibrahim Berro, the suicide bomber
who drove the explosives-filled Renault Trafic van into the building on
July 18, 1994, killing 85 innocents. All thanks to Alberto Nisman.
Solving the case, I should note, is not the
same as bringing the culprits to justice. Despite Nisman’s efforts, the
Iranian conspirators have not been indicted, tried and jailed — in good
part, he was about to allege, because of Fernández’s duplicity. If so,
this is a supreme and terrible irony, given that it was her own late
husband, Nestor Kirchner, horrified by years of flawed and skewed and
politicized investigation of the AMIA attack, who appointed Nisman a
decade ago precisely to get to the truth and air it.
Argentina’s moment of truth
Perednik accurately sees in the killing of
Alberto Nisman a “devastating blow” to justice, the death of “a symbol
of pure-hearted dedication to the truth, a world destroyed, and a
victory for the evil-doers.”
He does not, however, believe the entire
battle is necessarily lost. He names Jaime Stiusso, a former top officer
in Argentina’s Secretariat of Intelligence, S.I., who was fired by
Fernández, as the official most capable both of getting to the bottom of
Nisman’s killing and of marshaling and producing the evidence,
including allegedly incriminating tape recordings, that Nisman had been
about to present.
More widely, he’s encouraged by the sight of
thousands of Argentinian demonstrators taking to the streets Monday to
protest Nisman’s death and demand justice. Some of them, he notes, were
carrying placards declaring “I am Nisman.” Others were carrying placards
proclaiming, “Cristina Killer.”
“This is not the Argentina of decades ago,
when people could just disappear,” says Perednik. “Basically, those
demonstrators are accusing the president of murder, and in today’s
Argentina, the authorities didn’t and couldn’t send in the police
against them. “If the opposition doesn’t let this drop,” he says, then
Nisman’s death might not be in vain.
“I always told him, ‘They’re going to kill
you,'” Perednik says of his conversations with Nisman over the years.
“He really didn’t believe it. Maybe he was naive. But he believed in
Argentinian justice.”
Let nobody be fooled. Alberto Nisman was
wrong. He was failed by Argentinian justice. The test now is whether the
evil-doers, in Argentina and Iran, will be allowed to fully triumph.
Whether the terrorists and the murderers will be free to plot and
execute further atrocities, or whether honesty and integrity and
resilience and justice will reassert themselves.
That struggle starts with an honest
investigation of the killing of Alberto Nisman, and the presentation for
honest evaluation of the evidence — the murderously incendiary evidence
— he was about to make public.
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